Lithuania wants the Republic of Moldova to join the European Union as soon as possible. This is not merely a matter of goodwill or shared history, but also stems from the conviction that Moldova has a place in the European community and that together these countries can be safer and more prosperous. In an interview with IPN, Lithuania’s ambassador to Chisinau, Tadas Valionis, spoke about the efforts made by Lithuania, a former Soviet republic, to break free from Russian influence, combat corruption and align with European Union standards.
Lithuania is often seen in the Republic of Moldova as a success story of a former Soviet republic that managed, in a relatively short period of time, to build strong institutions, join the European Union and NATO, and strengthen its resilience in the face of regional challenges. Today, Lithuania is one of the most vocal and active advocates of Chisinau’s European integration. Our guest is His Excellency Tadas Valionis, Ambassador of the Republic of Lithuania to the Republic of Moldova. Your Excellency, welcome, and thank you for accepting the invitation of the IPN Press Agency!
Thank you for inviting me!
Lithuania is often regarded as a success story among the former Soviet states. Looking back, what were the most challenging reforms your country had to implement on its path to the European Union?
I think that, in our case, we have a lot in common with Moldova, but there are also many differences. Perhaps the biggest difference is that, when we talk about Moldova, there are challenges related to the justice system, corruption and other issues. In our case, the fight against corruption began as early as the 1990s. It was a little easier because our institutions grew, in a way, alongside the criminal world and fought it on equal terms. In Moldova, there were regimes that allowed corruption to flourish, and now the problem is much bigger than it was here.
In our case, I think the biggest challenge was the economic one, because on the day we declared our independence, Russia cut off all energy supplies. There was no more gas, no more oil. All the cars came to a standstill. And they did this several times. But at the same time, this actually helped us a lot, because the businesses tied to Russia were the ones that suffered the most. Basically, by cutting off the gas and sanctioning us, Russia ended up hurting its own economic allies. That initial economic shock was, I think, the biggest push for our economy to turn toward the European Union.
Immediately after declaring independence, we believed we had to turn toward Europe. We had clear strategies, and even our laws were drafted from the very beginning with the idea that we would join the EU in one way or another, or at least that we would be very close to the European area, open to trade and the free movement of people, especially with European countries.
Of course, there were other challenges as well. We’ve had our share of corruption issues, and we still do. I think every country faces such problems. If you were to follow the Lithuanian media right now, you’d see politicians under investigation, one after another, police officers arrested for helping smugglers bring cigarettes in from Belarus, and so on. No one is immune. We, too, faced the same challenges related to organized crime at the beginning. We had great difficulty adapting our agriculture and implementing European environmental regulations. But this was not just an economic challenge, it was also a challenge of mindset, of changing the way we think about the environment in which we live. There was a great deal to do, but we succeeded.
Moldova was the first country to recognize Lithuania’s independence in 1990. How significant is this historic moment for the current relationship between the two countries?
It is very important, but not merely symbolic. Moldova was the first to recognize us. I personally know politicians who were in the chamber when the vote on recognizing our independence took place. The decision did not pass on the first try, it took several attempts before the Supreme Soviet of Moldova adopted the resolution and recognized our independence.
I also know politicians who are still active in Lithuania and who attended the meetings in August and spoke on behalf of Lithuania. I know people who helped print the Moldovan underground press, because we used the Latin alphabet even during the Soviet era. We printed books in the Latin alphabet for Moldova during the Soviet era. And Latvia did that too. The Lithuanian underground press also collaborated with the Moldovan one. We have a lot in common.
I believe we are still on the same path, because our struggle for freedom and independence is not over. Yes, we are in the EU and NATO, and we are more economically advanced, but the challenge remains the same. We are still facing the same forces that are trying to destroy us. That is why it is very important for Lithuania that Moldova succeeds. It is in our strategic interest for you to succeed, because then we too will be safer, more prosperous, and so on. It is not just a matter of justice or sympathy, because we see how the world works and feel that we need Moldova in the European community.
The war in Ukraine has reshaped the security landscape across the entire region. What lessons should Moldova learn from the way the Baltic states have approached national security and regional cooperation?
Let’s imagine a world in which Russia had attacked Ukraine before the EU and NATO expansions took place. What would we have done then? It would have been much more difficult and dangerous for Lithuania to support Ukraine. The same goes for Poland and Romania. Where would Moldova have been if these expansions had not taken place? How long would Ukraine or Moldova have held out if the expansions had not taken place?
My main message is this: please, think about it, please, integrate into Europe. It is the only way for small countries to be safe.
I don’t think the security architecture has changed, I think the illusions have vanished. We, too, had illusions about the world. I like to tell my fellow diplomats in Lithuania that, even though we always claimed Russia posed a major threat, we also need to look at the defense budget. If there is a real threat, it is directly reflected in the defense budget. For a long time, we spent less than 1% of GDP on defense, until the first war in Ukraine, when we woke up to reality.
We are currently spending over 5% of GDP on defense—that is, over 5 billion euros annually—and next year we will likely temporarily reach 6%. I can honestly say that it is not just me, but all of Lithuania that believes this, and if you look at what other countries have done, everyone knows what needs to be done. Be realistic and do what you can do today. Integration into Western structures is the best strategy.
In your previous interviews, you said that judicial reform is non-negotiable. What was the most radical measure Lithuania took to demonstrate to its European partners that it is truly fighting corruption?
We really did fight corruption. But every country has its own story. In our case, in the early 2000s, our greatest success was cleaning up the police force. We built a very strong public service and that was a huge undertaking. The results became evident.
It’s a paradoxical situation: when people can bribe the police, they don’t trust them, even though it sometimes seems easier to get things done that way. Now it’s almost impossible. If you’re pulled over for speeding, everything is filmed and recorded, fines are paid online and everything is transparent. Naturally, public trust in the police has increased significantly.
Early in our EU accession process, we faced a major crisis: we suspended the country’s president from office due to Russian influence. It’s not just about proving something to others. It’s about being a strong and functional state. If Moldova wants to function as a state—whether within the EU or outside it—it needs strong institutions, not just strong politicians.
Moldova relies heavily on agriculture, but the EU has very strict rules. How did Lithuania protect its local farmers during the pre-accession period so that they could thrive in the EU?
I believe this is the challenge that brings our countries closest together, because farmers are like a single nation. Whether we’re talking about Lithuania, Poland, Moldova, Romania or Ukraine, the challenges are the same.
In our case, farmers were the group most skeptical about joining the EU. But now they are the most pro-European segment of the population, because they have benefited the most. I believe that no other social group has gained as much as farmers have.
It’s not just about subsidies, but also about access to the world’s largest agricultural market and major European retail chains. In just a few years, we’ve seen a massive technological modernization and a rise in profits.
Of course, it is very important that your negotiators negotiate effectively. There are many negotiable issues: production quotas, the share of production subsidized by the European Union, and perhaps certain agricultural sectors could be phased out, but compensation would be provided for that. We had farmland converted into forests, and the farmers were compensated very generously. There are many things you can do.
It’s not enough just to talk to farmers about the benefits of the EU. You need a strong administration and strong negotiators who work closely with farmers. In Lithuania today, we have a very good dialogue between the government and the farming community, and I think it works very well. Farmers are among the most prosperous groups in the country.
Propaganda often uses nostalgia for the Soviet era to turn people against the EU. How has Lithuania built resilience against disinformation in a society that remains divided?
We’re still working on that. I’ve been in Moldova for four years, and I can see that Moldova is also building its resilience, understanding and capacity to act. During the last elections, I noticed that Moldovan institutions not only understood what was happening but also improved their ability to respond. This is very important.
In this area, our countries are sometimes more advanced than other EU nations or Western countries. But it requires constant effort: critical thinking, media literacy, independent journalists and NGOs. It is a never-ending struggle.
Today we are faced with new challenges posed by artificial intelligence and social media. Recently, there have been investigations in Lithuania into how social media is being used against the state. Just a few days ago, I read an op-ed in The Guardian by the Icelandic foreign minister about how external actors are trying to influence Iceland ahead of the August referendum.
It’s a constant struggle. I’m glad we’re resilient, but the sad part is that we’re resilient because we’re almost always targets. We’re very close to this threat. It’s the same for you: either you get stronger or you disappear. Countries have to get stronger, or they’ll fall apart. We haven’t fallen apart and I don’t think Moldova will either.
Finally, Your Excellency, what message would you like to convey to Moldovans who sometimes doubt that a small country can successfully integrate into the European Union and build strong democratic institutions?
I would ask: what are the other options?
To my generation and those older than me, I would say, think about the future you want for your children and the opportunities and chances you want them to have. And to young people, I would say: do you want Europe in Moldova or do you want things to stay the way they are?
And we are a very small country, about the same as Moldova in population. What are the options? Or someone else decides for you. If you are outside the EU, the choice is between Russia and Europe. And anyway you have to respect the rules. In Russia you have no say, you are just controlled. In Europe you sit at the table and participate in the development of the rules.
I see no better option for a small country to survive and prosper in this part of the world than to be part of the European community, the common market and this common security space.
Thank you for the interview.
Thank you for the invitation too.
Octavian Bratosin, IPN